Wednesday, November 2, 2011

American Mobility is high and increasing

The process we believe created income inequality matters more for the legitimacy of society than the actual level of inequality. Did the rich become rich by producing value or by exploiting the poor? What determined earnings, ability or inheritance/privilege?

The Occupy Wall Street protesters and their sympathizers in the media are angry about four trends they believe characterizes American capitalism.

1. Income inequality has been going up (true).
2. The Middle Class is stagnating (false).
3. Wealth is taken, not created (I believe false).
4. American income mobility is falling (false).

I will write about the middle class stagnation myth and about value creation next time.

The Bureau of Labour Statistics provides the NLSY97 dataset, tracking a large representative number of Americans. In addition to your current earnings, NLSY97 reports the income of your parents when growing up.

Of the Americans whose average income during the last five years put them in the "Top 1 Percent" richest, 7 out of 10 did not have rich parents (defined as the top 10% highest earning parents).

The richest 1 percent do not come from poor homes, they mostly come from upper-middle class homes. Note that because income is measured imperfectly, these numbers likely overestimate mobility.

Nevertheless, you get a similar result from the Forbes 400 list of the richest people in the United States. Forbes magazine lists the source of wealth :

“Two-thirds of the members of the Forbes 400 have fortunes that are entirely self-made.”

The share of billionaires who according to Forbes Magazine are self-made is higher in the United States than in Western Europe.

In addition to mobility between children and parents, mobility across life for the same worker is important. A recent study by Berkley Economist Emmanuel Saez and coauthors confirms that while income inequality has been getting worse, income mobility has not. Instead, driven entirely by women, upward income mobility has actually improved. Saez writes (emphasis in original) “long-term mobility has increased significantly over the last five decades.”

According to Saez, the probability that someone currently in the top one percent will remain in the top one percent five years from now is only around 60%, where it has remained for a very long time. The notion of a permanent elite taking hold of top incomes during the last few years is entirely a myth. There remains a substantial churn among the top one percent, with almost half dropping out every five years.



One common argument is that inter-generational income mobility in Northern Europe is higher than the United States. But even if that were true, it hardly proves that income mobility is low in the U.S, because those studies they cite find extremely high mobility in for example Scandinavia. Also a homogenous country will always appear to be more mobile than one made up of lots of groups. Not surprisingly, inter-generational mobility among Scandinavian-Americans in the NLSY97 is far higher than the U.S average.

Equally important, I believe these results are a statistical artifact. In Scandinavia, the income distribution is highly compressed. This means that even small and meaningless changes in income between parents and children appear as “mobility”.

Even if true mobility is identical, if one country has less income inequality, and if the amount of statistical noise in the income data is the same, the country with the even income distribution will appear to have more mobility as well. This is because measurement error/noise will move people around more in the compressed distribution.

Indeed the OECD finds that income inequality and inter-generational income mobility is highly correlated. If I am right, concluding that Scandinavia has lower inequality and higher mobility is double-counting equality.


Despite what the left claims, the United States is still a country with high income mobility. Another recent study by Pew found that:

"The vast majority of individuals, 71 percent, whose parents were in the bottom half of the income distribution actually improved their rankings relative to their parents."

The study also confirms that to the extent there is lagging mobility in the United States, it is caused by racial disparities, having to do with skill levels. Pew confirms that American children from low income homes with high test scores have extraordinary high income mobility.

There problem is not with American capitalism as an economic system, but with the lingering inability to make capitalism work as well for African Americans and Hispanics as it does for Whites and Asians. This problem is what I and Reihan Salam focus on the latest issue of National Review, which I encourage you to buy.

14 comments:

  1. You don't address (or even link) that OECD paper's own explanation for why income inequality and intergenerational mobility are correlated: the returns to education are higher in unequal societies, and children from richer households are less constrained in terms of their educational attainment. For example, it shows that the penalty in access to tertiary education for people from disadvantaged backgrounds is considerably lower in Denmark than in France. I don't see any evidence for your contention that the effect is completely, or even mostly explained by measurement errors.

    Secondly, it's not just the homogenous countries of Northern Europe that exhibit high intergenerational mobility compared to the US. Other Anglophone settler societies like Australia and Canada also exhibit much higher mobility. (Maybe this is due in part to their skill-selective immigration policies, but the difference is still telling.)

    Finally, the Saez paper (really the Kopczuk paper), as you note but don't address, attributes the entire decrease in long-term income mobility to the narrowing of the gender gap. Long-term mobility among men actually decreased over the time period studied. That's why comparisons of mobility, and especially inter-generational mobility, generally compare fathers to sons.

    I think if readers click through and read the actual pieces you cite (or in the case of the OECD paper, Google it), they'll find that you cherry-picked findings.

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  2. goreism:

    1. The OECD study has no way of controlling for the problem I told you about. I am not “cherry-picking”, I am pointing out a problem no one has fixed yet, to my knowledge.

    2. Their explanation (hypothesis) is wrong; we know from Heckman’s research that in the U.S, poor children with high skills are essentially no less likely to go to college than rich kids with the same test scores.

    http://ideas.repec.org/a/ecj/econjl/v112y2002i482p705-734.html

    There is simply no lack of “access” to university education in the U.S based on income, a country where 70% of college students go public college and where there is a well-functioning student loan market.

    The college based explanation is superficial and easily proven incorrect, though very popular among liberals.

    3. Australia and Canada are not homogenous?!? Australia and Canada are both 90-95% European or East Asian. In the United States, mobility among those groups is also very high. The low mobility in the U.S is driven by African Americans and Hispanics, groups virtually absent in Australia and Canada.

    4. Upward Mobility for high and medium skill immigrants in the U.S is far, far higher than Western Europe, including Scandinavia. I can write about this later.

    About half of all Iranian immigrants in Scandinavia are unemployed, whereas in the U.S Iranians earn more than the U.S average. The same is true for Arabs, Somalis, Turks, East European immigrants.

    It is simply ridiculous to compare Western Europe favorably to the U.S regarding immigrant upward mobility.

    The fact that immigrant mobility is evidently higher in America while aggregate mobility appears to be lower than Scandinavia and Germany is one of the main reasons I suspect the results are driven by the noise problem.

    5. The best studies include both men and women. It is absurd to want exclude half the population from the mobility discussion, with no justification, other than it hurting your story. Talk about cherry picking.

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  3. PS

    The "lack of access to education" theory is popular among liberal economist. But the evidence is weak. For instance, we know that intergenerational mobility in education is roughly the same in Sweden as the United States.

    http://192.12.12.16/events/workshops/images/2/22/HertzBJEAP.pdf

    So the link that you need to make you story true doesn’t hold. But the narrative is so appealing to the left that they never stop repeating it.

    I guess they like it because it is materialistic, emphasizes unfairness of markets rather than lack of skills among the poor, and offers an easy state solution.

    The measurement error/compressed distribution problem for education is smaller than income, so the fact that education mobility is no different between Scandinavia and the U.S while income is supports my theory.

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  4. I don't have time for a long response, but some counterpoints:

    1. Even if this effect exists, there's no evidence as to its magnitude. It seems implausible that it could account for all, or even most of the difference.

    2. The paper you cite (again, the first-listed author is Pedro Carneiro, not Heckman) only looks at one channel for the propagation of educational inequality: short-term credit constraints. There may be other channels that are still susceptible to policy intervention. (In fact, Heckman, as you know, is famous for his support for some such policies, like early childhood intervention.) Moreover, 8% of people are credit constrained, according to Carneiro and Heckman, which isn't an insignificant fraction. Other research has found that credit constraints are more significant: http://ideas.repec.org/a/fip/fedhep/y2003iqivp30-41nv.27no.4.html http://ideas.repec.org/a/aea/aecrev/v92y2002i2p279-285.html

    5. The reason for excluding women isn't because it "hurt[s] [my] story." It's because the shrinking wage gap in the last half century is largely due to exogenous cultural changes that can only happen once. It's actually very common to exclude or treat women separately in IGE studies: http://www.chicagofed.org/webpages/publications/working_papers/2003/wp_24.cfm http://gatton.uky.edu/Faculty/Ziliak/Lee_Solon_2006_NBERw12007.pdf

    PS. Without going into liberals' psychological motivations, the linked paper actually shows that Sweden has a parent-child schooling correlation of 0.40, compared to 0.46 in the US. (In fact, Italy is the only Western European country to have a stronger correlation.) Moreover, Sweden is itself something of an outlier: other Northern European countries have significantly lower inter-generational educational correlation. (Sweden also has less inter-generational income mobility than its Nordic neighbors.) Denmark, the UK, Finland, and New Zealand each have _much_ higher educational mobility. As you note, this data would be less susceptible to measurement errors than income data.

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  5. 1. You have no basis of claiming the mechanism I proposed is unimportant in magnitude.

    In fact we know that measurement error/noise is first order importance in mobility estimates. The elasticity increased from around 0.2 to around 0.6 once permanent income is used instead of transitory income, that is huge.

    2. We are not discussing if early childhood programs can improve outcome, we are specifically discussing if “access to tertiary education” is the explanation.

    Heckman's study (I use his name and Saez’s because they are known both as economists and liberal-leaning so readers can trust them) demonstrates quite definitively that American kids with high test scores go to college even if their parents are poor.

    The studies you cite do not control for I.Q, they just show that tuition and parental income matters (parental income and education costs matters in Sweden too).

    3. If women’s income mobility goes up dramatically, it is *natural* that it would push down the upward mobility of men, because they pushed men away and because they lowered their wages. That makes it silly for you to want to somehow claim that even if total mobility went up, we should ignore the big improvement, and complain about the group that witnessed a small decrease, even though their decrease to a large extent caused by the improvements of the other group.

    Of course women are “treated separately”. That is different from what you want to do, which is to *exclude* them!

    4. The paper measuring education mobility uses 2 statistical measures, correlation and correlation coefficient. They treat the two measures equally. The higher the worse.

    One shows the U.S as having less mobility than Sweden (U.S correlation is higher, 0.46 v.s 0.4). The other shows the U.S as having *more* mobility (coefficient is 0.58 in Sweden, 0.46 in U.S).

    The U.S coefficient is lower than (mobility is higher than)

    U.K
    Italy
    Ireland
    Northern Ireland
    Netherlands
    Sweden
    Switzerland
    Denmark
    Finland

    Though the difference with the last 3 is small.

    9 out of 12 countries. Only Belgium, Norway and New Zeeland have (slightly) higher education mobility measured this way.

    If we look at correlation, U.S generally does worse, but typically by a small amount.

    So if we have 2 measures, and the U.S does worse than average on one measure (0.07 higher than average) and better than average on the other (0.08 lower than average), you just pick one, and conclude the U.S does worse? And you accuse me of “cherry-picking”?!?

    Yes, I will have to refer to an ideological explanation for this biased reading of the data.

    In truth, there is little reason to believe that an imagined America gap in education mobility is causing persistence in income mobility, since no mobility gap in education can be detected compared to Europe with data. Liberals keep pushing this story because it is the only one with which they are ideologically comfortable, not because they have lots of evidence for it.

    By the way, since the U.S still has higher rates of college education than Europe (though no longer higher than Sweden), poor Americans are still more likely to go to college than poor Europeans. This higher mean is not reflected in the numbers above.

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  6. By the way, the paper I cited is not the only one showing that education and occupation mobility in the U.S is roughly the same as Scandinavia.

    Here are more examples:

    1. http://soe.sagepub.com/content/84/4/261.abstract

    “At the same time, the two [U.S and Norway] have similar levels of educational attainment among young adults. … Using longitudinal data and multinomial regression analysis, the findings reveal that there are more similarities than differences in the relationship between family background and college degree attainment in the two countries.”

    2. http://www.sciencedirect.com.proxy.uchicago.edu/science/article/pii/S0276562406000503

    Thorough examination, finds that the U.S has one of the highest scores in education access and mobility.

    They find strong “resemblance” between “American and French mobility patterns, on the one hand, and those of Norway and Sweden”, further noting that “Other researchers have also found that the strength of association is about the same in Hungary, France, Sweden, Israel and the United States”

    3. (cannot find online)

    "Hout, Michael and Daniel P. Dohan. 1996. ―Two Paths to Educational Opportunity: Class and Educational Selection in Sweden and the United States.‖ Pp. 207-31 in Can Education Be Equalized? The Swedish Case in Comparative Perspective, edited by R. Erikson and J. O. Jonsson. Boulder: Westview."

    Compare education mobility between U.S and Sweden directly; find that two countries are virtually identical.

    You seem shocked by all of this since you believe too strongly in the liberal economist conventional wisdom. Their ideological interpretation of the higher U.S income persistent as caused by lack of "access" to higher education simply doesn’t stand scrutiny.

    My interpretation, that it is caused by a statical artifact, is consistent with the education mobility data, though not proved either way.

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  7. "The same is true for Arabs, Somalis, Turks, East European immigrants."

    Well, the Somalis do slightly better in the U.K. than in Sweden, and they do slightly better in the U.S. than in the U.K. But they do not good, generally, and in comparison with for instance East Europeans.

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  8. . If women’s income mobility goes up dramatically, it is *natural* that it would push down the upward mobility of men, because they pushed men away and because they lowered their wages.

    It absolutely amazes me how willing people are to ignore this obvious effect when they talk about men's wages over the last 30 years. I would think it should be obvious that you can't double your available workforce without having some effect on wages.

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  9. One point: much of the criticism of the Occupy Wall Street crowd (to the extent that they are making identifiable serious criticisms, instead of ranting about having sex with animals, and I am not kidding about that) is about the top 1% of wealth, which is not the same as income. Very high income mobility does not necessarily mean high wealth mobility. This is partly because income taxes only very indirectly and imperfectly affect accumulated wealth, but very directly affect one's ability to accumulate more wealth.

    In practice, of course, some people who are downwardly income mobile may end up burning through very substantial accumulated wealth, such as the Hunt Brothers 1979 attempt to corner the world silver market--at which they lost three-quarters of a billion dollars inherited from their father. But unless you are completely irrational, once you get into top 1% of wealth, there should be little reason to drop very quickly down into the 99%.

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  10. Clayton:

    You are completely right that we should not confuse wealth and income mobility.

    But the U.S does *better* internationally regarding the inter-generational mobility of wealth than income. Casey Mulligan estimated the elasticity of inter-generational transfer of wealth in the U.S at 0.5. While Scandinavian countries have or appear to have higher income mobility, they don’t have higher wealth mobility.
    Regarding top wealth, Sweden is less mobile than U.S (yet another indirect piece of evidence for my theory, since measurement error plays a smaller role for top wealth).

    http://ideas.repec.org/p/hhs/sofiwp/2010_009.html

    Similarly while income inequality has increased rapidly, wealth inequality has been more or less constant the last 30 years in the U.S.

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  11. Tino,

    The title of your article says "American mobility is high and increasing". I've read it carefully and I can't find convincing reasons to think it really is increasing. Could you please point a specific dataset for me?

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  12. The paper I cite finds that intra-generational income mobility has gone up.

    “long-term mobility has increased significantly over the last five decades.”

    Same here

    http://www.davidsplinter.com/Splinter_Variability_and_Inequality.pdf

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  13. Just so no one misunderstands: The type of mobility that we know has gone up is people who were once poor later in their own life becoming richer.

    Parents-children (inter-generational) income mobility is harder to compare over time, but it appears it has been almost exactly constant the last 2 decades in the U.S

    http://www.mitpressjournals.org.proxy.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1162/rest.91.4.766

    ReplyDelete

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